WHITHER ZANZIBAR? A 1993 PUBLICATION BY THE CUF DEPARTMENT OF INFORMATION AND PUBLICITY DEDICATED TO THE PEOPLES OF ZANZIBAR IN THEIR STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY
Whither Zanzibar? Introduction
The current political development in Tanzania, and especially in Zanzibar are moving at a breath-taking speed that is unpredictable. Indeed, it is Zanzibar, more than in any other place in Africa that the essence of adversity can be pulpitably felt.
After almost thirty years of one-party dictatorship that was first introduced in Zanzibar by the Afro Shiraz Party (ASP) soon after the revolution, and which was constitutionally perpetuated by the all powerful CHAMA CHA MAPINDUZI (CCM) in1977 and there after, it is now evidently clear that the sons and daughters of Unguja and Pemba have lost almost all the confidence and trust that they had in the consecutive ruling oligarchies. The majority of Zanzibar has now joined the bandwagon for the second and authentic liberation.
The first liberation was responsible for the dismantling of the British colonial rule which brought into Zanzibar political independence on the 10th day of December, 1963. Short while after on the 12th January, 1964 the elected government that had retained the Sultan as the constitutional head of state, but deprived him the powerful position of being head of government, was overthrown in a bloody revolution.
One hundred and thirty eight day after Zanzibar gained her independence, and one hundred and five day only after the revolution, Zanzibar and her people, at a stroke of a open, lost their hard won sovereignty as an independent entity and free people. For on the 26th April, 1964 Zanzibar, in dubious circumstances, was merged with Tanganyika in what came to be known as the United Republic of Tanzania against the popular will.
Almost thirty years after that fateful day of 26th, April 1964, Zanzibaris find themselves in worse dire social and economy conditions than those that existed before the Union Day. Hence the questions that almost always come to the mind of many Zanzibar are:
- Are the so-called fruits of the Union worth the sacrifice paid by Zanzibar in foresaking their country’s sovereignty?
2. What benefits have Zanzibar gained in dissolving their Afro Shiraz Party, with all its atrocities against innocent citizens, and in its place accepting CCM to reign an rule autocratically unchecked, except for the continued erosion of Zanzibar’s autonomy?
While the questions and many others of similar nature linger on minds of many Zanzibaris, at the horizon they now can see a new glow of light that sparks new hope .
The introduction of multi-partism ushers in the second liberation .This is liberation against forces of internal dictatorship. It is liberation against political and economic oppression, suppression of popular will and exploitation of the whole populace by those who are in the corridors of power. It is liberation against all evil deeds as manifested in decadent practices as despotism, corruption, nepotism and the raping of national wealth. It is, indeed, a liberation for social justice and economic betterment for all.
With the advent of many political parties, the people of Zanzibar are given another chance to decide upon their fate. If Zanzibaris decide firmly to stand for a democratic society; respect for a rule of law; full adherence to human rights as promulgated in the United Nations Charter for Human Rights; an open and transparent government; equal opportunities for all; and for social and economic well-being ,then they have no alternative other than supporting CUF.
In a nutshell, this is the message in this publication. In it, the CUF Department of Information and Publicity outlines the historical background, political history and constitutional development, the current political situations, the socio-economic plight facing Zanzibaris and the genesis of CUF and what it stands for.
While commending the department for this very valuable contribution to Zanzibar’s political literature, in the same breach, I sincerely appeal to all Zanzibaris and their well-wishers to carefully read this publication and then to chew and digest the infomation contained therein.
At the same time, I implore upon the Zanzibar intelligencia to regard this publication as a challenge to them so that they may be inspired to carry out thorough research on Zanzibar’s history and write their findings in publications for the general public so as to keep the records on Zanzibar’s history straight
Thank you.
Signed
Seif Sharif Hamad
Vice Chairman
The Civic United Front
18th August 1993
(WITHER ZANZIBAR?), A 1993 Publication by the CUF Department of Information and Publicity dedicated to the Peoples of Zanzibar in their Struggle for Democracy
Mauaji ya Kutisha ya Elfu Mbili na Moja
DIBAJI YA WAANDISHI
Mwanzo wa kuandika kitabu cha kumbukumbu za mauaji hatukujua tuanzie wapi. Hii ni kwa sababu hata huko enzi ya siasa za ukoloni pia kulikuwa kukitokea rabsha, fujo na wakati mwengine mauaji. Hata hivyo, tulipoangalia huko tuliona mauaji yalikuwa yakichukua sura halisi ya mapambano ya kikabila ambayo yaliweka nchi yetu katika hali ya kitabaka. Katika fujo na mauaji ya wakati ule, dola ilikuwa na kazi moja tu. Sio kuukinga upande mmoja na kuuangamiza mwengiine, bali ni kuwa msuluhishi baina ya makundi na hata kubuni njia bora za kuleta amani baada ya kusikiliza pande zilizozozana.
Hapa tulipata funzo halisi la historia ya nchi zetu kuhusu migogoro ya kisiasa ambayo wengine wanajaribu kusema kwamba ni ya muda mrefu na inajirudia kama tabia ya mambo ya kihistoria. Funzo lenyewe ni kuwa, kumbe misuguano ya kijamii enzi hizo ilikuwa ni jambo la kawaida sio kwa Zanzibar tu bali kwa nchi nyengine katika Bara la Afrika na duniani kote. Ukweli unabakia kwamba katika mahusiano ya dola na pande zilizogombana, dola ilikuwa makini kuwa msuluhishi ili taathira ya mapambano isiendelee.
Kwa hivyo, tukapata majumuisho kwamba, kwa kuwa mapambano katika siasa za leo si ya makundi miongoni mwa watu katika jamii, basi hayawezi kamwe kulinganishwa na yale ya enzi ya kikoloni. Kwa maana hii, ni dhahiri basi siasa za zamani si sababu nzito za kuelezea mauaji ya Januari 26 na 27, 2001.
Vile vile, kwa sababu hii ya dola ya zamani kuwa msuluhishi wa matukio mbali mbali, tulichukua muda tukaiangalia dola katika siasa za leo na kugundua kwamba, sio tu kwamba dola ya leo inakuwa msuluhishi, lakini ndio muhusika mkuu wa kupanga na kuendesha vituko, fujo na hata mauaji katika jamii. Ndio maana, pamoja na kwamba maandamano ya Januari 27, 2001 yalikusudiwa kuwa ni ya amani lakini dola kwa kutumia vyombo vyke iliyasitisha kwa risasi za moto. Kuanzia hapo, dola iliendesha mauaji siku ya nyuma yake (26 Januari, 2001) dola ilifanya mauaji hata bila ya hata kuwepo kwa maandamano.
Kama tutavyoona katika sehemy ya historia, Zanzibar ilikuwa ikipita katika vuguvugu la matukio ya vurugu za kisiasa na mara nyengine mapambano ya kijamii, lakini wakati haya yakitokea mara zote dola iliingilia kuzima kuliko kuendeleza. Baada ya uhuru na muungano wa Tanganyika kuliko hata ilivyokuwa katika siasa za kupigania uhuru. Mwaka 1972, aliekuwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani wa Tanzania Bwana Ali Hassan Mwinyi, alilazimika kujiuzulu wadhifa wake baada ya mauaji makubwa yaliyoendeshwa na Polisi dhidi ya raia. Mauaji mengine ni yale Mwembechai ya mwaka 1998 pamoja na mauaji yaliyohusisha mahabusu wa Gereza la Bulyankulu ya mwaka 2002 kwa kutaja machache.
Kwa upambanuzi huu, tumegundua kwamba historia ya Zanzibar sio tu inapooshwa na baadhi ya waandishi wa historia za kuunga, bali vile vile inatumiwa kuhalalisha maovu ya dola kwa jamii. Hili la mauaji ya Januari 26 na 27 lilifuatiwa na msululuu wa matukio ya unyanyasaji, ubaguzi, ukandamizaji na mateso ya kila aina. Yote haya yakifanywa na dola, na imejidhihirisha kwamba mauaji yameshamiri hasa baad ya kuja mfumo wa vyama vingi kuanzia mwaka 1992. mfumo huu haukupokewa vibaya bali uliletwa vibaya, kwani pamoja na kujigamba kwamba umekuja kwa ridhaa ya Chama tawala, ilikuwa ni dola ya chama tawala iliyohakikisha kwamba upinzani hauji juu Tanzania ili siku zote kuthibitisha ile dhihaka ya awali kwamba waliokubali ni asilimia ndogo.
Kwa kupata muhtasari huu, ni dhahiri basi chimbuko na chanzo cha mauaji ya tarehe 26 na 27 Januari, 2001 ni kutokana na dola ya Tanzania kuipiga teke demokrasia na kujizatiti kwa kuendesha vitendo vya kunyima uhuru na kuoheshimu haki za binaadamu kinyume na Katiba za Tanzania. Hali hiyo ilipelekea chaguzi za vyama vingi za 1995 na 2000 kufanyika katika mazingira mabaya kwa kila hali. Kufurukutakwa wananchi kukataa ubaya huu ndiko kuliko sababisha dola kufutuka, kuhamaki na kuvinjari kuua. Ndio maana hata Rais Mkapa akakiri kwamba Tanzania imeingia dowa, kwani si jambo la kawaida kwa nchi kama Tanzania ambayo hapo nyuma iliwatumia Watanzania kusaidia ukombozi wa nchi nyengine kwa hali na mali, leo vyombo vyake dola vigeuke na kuanza kuwahujumu wananchi.
Doa lilikuwa kubwa kwani kwa mara ya kwanza Tanzania ilitoa wakimbizi wa kisiasa badala ya ile tabia iliyojijengea ya kupokea kutoa nchi nyengine. Si hayo tu, dowa lilikuwa kubwa zaidi pale majeshi yetu yalipoacha matumizi ya busara na nidhamu ya muda mrefu na badala yake yakatumbukia kufanya unyama, jirani na uhalifu wa kivita kwa raia wasio silaha kwa kuwararua kwa risasi wanaume huku wakiwaingilia akina mama bila kisisi.
Tulijiuliza mengi iwapo Majeshi yaliyofanya vile ni ya kutoka nchi na waliouliwa na kudhalilishwa kiasi kila ni raia wan chi ipi? Basi hata Jeshi la Wananchi wa Tanzania! Kwa nini wauwaji wapongezwe na huku familia za waliouliwa wakebihiwe na badala ya kufarijiwa ? si kebehi ya maneno tu ya viongozi wakuu wan chi, bali hata “Ripoti ya Tume ya Mbita” iliyopewa jukumu la kuchunguza mauaji ilidhihaki? Lakini jiulize suala moja zaidi kabla ya kuendelea ambalo ni iwapo Tume ya Mbita ilichaguliwa na Rais wa Jamhuri ya Tanzania ambae ndiye Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wa Majeshi yaliyofanya mauaji, nini ungetaraji katika Ripoti ya Tume hiyo? Tanzania twaelekea wapi? Kwa masuala haya Watanzania wenyewe ndio wenye majibu.
Yalipotokea mauaji haya, Tanzania haikuwa ikipigana vita, ingawa hata kama tungekuwa katika vita basi bado Majeshi yetu sio tu yangepewa amri ya kuuwa, lakin baadae Jumuiya ya Kimataifa ingestahiki kuyaweka katika makundi ya majeshi yaliyoendesha uhalifu wa kivita na kuyafikisha mahkamani kama vile inavyofanywa kwa majeshi ya Burundi. Hata hivyo, baada ya mauaji na uhalifu huu wa kutisha kumalizika, baadae tulipata Muafaka. Utekelezaji wa Muafaka huo (hasa kwa mambo madogo ambayo yamo ndani ya uwezo wa Rais wa Zanzibar) bado unasuasua.
Suala sasa sio Watanzania tunaelekea wapi, suala ni jee Watanzania tunaelekezwa wapi? Ndio kweli tumeshaamua kuangalia mbele na kuacha tulikotoka? Ndio maana Mwenyekiti wetu Profes Lipumba akasema, “tunaweza kusamehe lakini ili tusirejeshwe tena tena tulikotoka, basi tusiyasahau yaliyotokea tarehe 26 na 27 Januari, 2001”.
Huku waandishi wa kitabu hiki wakiwatakia heri wasomaji, pia wanachukua nafasi ya mwanzo kumshukuru Mwenyezi Mungu kwa kutuwezesha kumudu kazi hii pamoja na kuwapongeza wote waliochangia hoja na maarifa ili kazi hii ikamilike.
Kwa niaba ya The Civic United Front (CUF – Chama cha Wananchi)
Waandishi wa Kitabu
Julai 2003
Maoni